The only people who could possibly be swayed by the unfair and misleading attacks on Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry put forward by speakers at the Republican National Convention (particularly Vice-President Dick Cheney and Georgia Senator Zell Miller) would be those with little understanding of contemporary strategic issues and modern diplomatic history.

Unfortunately, that probably includes the majority of eligible American voters.

Whether or not such disingenuous criticism will ultimately cost John Kerry and his running mate John Edwards the election remains to be seen. More immediately, however, it is indicative of the flawed assumption of the Democratic Party that nominating two hawks (whose support for the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq put them at odds with 95% of the delegates to the Democratic National Convention) would somehow make them immune from Republican charges of weakness on defense.

Instead, by nominating two supporters of the Bush Doctrine and the neo-conservative agenda, the Democrats have ended up alienating their base without sparing themselves one iota from Republican attacks.

Let’s begin by a critical examination of charges that Senator Kerry is not adequately concerned about the national security of the United States or capable of defending the nation.

The Republican Accusations

Cheney: “Senator Kerry began his political career by saying he would like to see our troops deployed ‘only at the directive of the United Nations.'”

Miller: “Senator Kerry has made it clear that he would use military force only if approved by the United Nations.”

During Kerry’s unsuccessful bid for a seat in the House of Representatives in 1972, he made the quite reasonable proposal that (since the UN Charter provides for collective security and allows for unilateral actions only in the event of self-defense against armed attack) any foreign military intervention should be authorized by the UN Security Council. Contrary to the vice-president’s allegations, he did not object to the forward deployment of American forces as a deterrent, such as U.S. forces in Western Europe as part of NATO, nor of the use of military force for legitimate defense.

Kerry has since swung well to the right, however, effectively renouncing the UN Charter through his support of the U.S. invasion of Iraq and for Israel’s colonization and creeping annexation of the occupied West Bank. Indeed, Kerry voted to authorize the U.S. invasion of Iraq without approval by the UN Security Council.

Miller: “As a war protestor, Kerry blamed our military.”

In his days as an anti-war veteran during the Vietnam War, Kerry never blamed the military for that tragedy, but focused his opposition on the civilian politicians who sent American troops to fight there.

Unfortunately, during his presidential campaign, Kerry has emphasized his participation in that unnecessary, criminal and misguided counter-insurgency war rather than his subsequent moral and pragmatic opposition. More saliently, he is an outspoken supporter of the current unnecessary, criminal and misguided counter-insurgency war and, as president, is likely to continue prosecuting that war years to come.

Cheney: “He talks about leading a ‘more sensitive war on terror,’ as though Al Qaeda will be impressed with our softer side.

What Kerry actually said was that the United States needs to be more sensitive regarding the concerns of our Middle Eastern allies and the international community. President Bush had made a similar statement just a few months earlier.

Unfortunately, Kerry’s support for the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq and Israel’s occupation policies in the West Bank has placed him in opposition to virtually every U.S. ally in the region, not to mention in Europe and the rest of the world as well.

Cheney: “During the 1980s, Senator Kerry opposed Ronald Reagan’s major defense initiatives that brought victory in the Cold War.”

Kerry, along with dozens of other senators from both parties, opposed some expensive weapons systems which most objective strategic analysts saw as unnecessary for America’s defense needs. The U.S. military buildup had nothing to do with the end of the Cold War, which resulted from the collapse of the unsustainable Communist systems of the Soviet Union and its Eastern European allies goaded on by nonviolent grassroots pro-democracy movements within these countries.

Kerry has since moved well to the right on this issue as well, becoming an outspoken supporter (despite record deficits and pressing domestic needs) of increased military spending, backing expensive and redundant weapons systems that have nothing to do with the struggle against Al-Qaeda.

Cheney: “In 1991, when Saddam Hussein occupied Kuwait and stood poised to dominate the Persian Gulf, Senator Kerry voted against Operation Desert Storm.”

This statement assumes that the only choices were either acquiescing to Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait or launching a devastating war, which was hardly the case. Kerry joined scores of senators from both parties in voting against the authorization of force, recognizing correctly that then-President George Bush was not serious about pursuing a non-military resolution to the crisis.

The Gulf War and ongoing U.S. military presence in the region that resulted was the major factor in the formation of Al-Qaeda, turning Osama bin Laden from a U.S. ally to its most notorious adversary. Had there not been a Gulf War, there would not have been a 9/11.

Unfortunately, rather than trumpet his wisdom in recognizing the importance of voting against an avoidable war which resulted in such disastrous consequences, Kerry now says he regrets his vote against the war and that President Bush was right all along.

Cheney: “Senator Kerry denounces American action when other countries don’t approve as if the whole object of our foreign policy were to please a few persistent critics. In fact, in the global war on terror, . . . President Bush has brought many allies to our side. But as the President has made very clear, there is a difference between leading a coalition of many, and submitting to the objections of a few. George W. Bush will never seek a permission slip to defend the American people.”

Miller: “Kerry would let Paris decide when America needs defending.”

Kerry has never claimed nor given any indication that he believes that “the whole object of our foreign policy were to please a few persistent critics.” The invasion of Iraq was a direct violation of the United Nations Charter, which (as a ratified treaty, according to Article VI of the U.S. Constitution) is to be treated as supreme U.S. law. This act of aggression was opposed by the vast majority of the world’s nations, not just “a few persistent critics.”

Secondly, the invasion of Iraq had nothing to do with “the global war on terror.” Iraq had no operational links with Al-Qaeda or any other terrorist group that had targeted the United States.

Thirdly, the government of France has never demonstrated any desire to prevent the United States from defending itself. France did threaten to veto a UN Security Council resolution which would have authorized a U.S. invasion of Iraq, but so did Russia and China, also permanent members of the Security Council. Non-permanent members Chile, Mexico, Guinea, Angola, Syria, Colombia, Pakistan, and Germany did not support the resolution either, thereby denying the United States a majority even without the vetoes.

Fourthly, the Democratic Party platform explicitly states, “With John Kerry as commander-in-chief, we will never wait for a green light from abroad when our safety is at stake.”

In any case, the fact that Kerry voted to authorize this illegal and unnecessary war and defends his vote to this day shows that he and the Democrats have as much contempt for international law and international opinion as does the Bush Administration and the Republicans.

Cheney: “Although he voted to authorize force against Saddam Hussein, he then decided he was opposed to the war, and voted against funding for our men and women in the field. He voted against body armor, ammunition, fuel, spare parts, armored vehicles, extra pay for hardship duty, and support for military families.”

Miller: “As a Senator, he voted to weaken our military. And nothing shows that more sadly and more clearly than his vote this year to deny protective armor for our troops in harms way, far-away.”

Unfortunately, not only did Kerry support the invasion of Iraq, he has continued to defend the war and occupation, he has supported using billions of our tax dollars to fund it, and he has repeatedly stated he will not withdraw U.S. forces if elected. Kerry did, on procedural grounds, vote against the administration’s bill allocating $87 billion to U.S. occupation forces. Kerry instead backed an amendment which would have sent just as much money to support the U.S. occupation and bloody counter-insurgency efforts (including protective armor), only the funds would be drawn from a reduction in tax breaks for the wealthiest Americans rather than by simply increasing the federal budget deficit, as did the administration’s version.

Accepting Republican Assumptions Leaves Kerry Vulnerable

Kerry has become vulnerable to Republican attacks because he agrees with the Republicans on their basic foreign policy assumptions. This is particularly evident regarding his opposition to certain Pentagon boondoggles and other excessive military spending.

Senator Miller, in his speech at the Republican convention, attacked Kerry for opposing funding for the B-1 and B-2 bombers because of their key role in the U.S. assault on Afghanistan in the fall of 2001. This would be a valid criticism only if you believe that massive high-altitude bombing of an impoverished central Asian nation is the most effective means of dealing with a decentralized Saudi-led international network of underground terrorist cells. Kerry, unfortunately, has refused to challenge this assumption.

Miller’s criticism of Kerry’s opposition to the F-14A Tomcat program because of the jet fighter’s role in attacking Libyan planes in the Gulf of Sidra during the 1980s assumes that the Reagan Administration’s reckless military engagements with that North African country were necessary and unavoidable. Kerry has also refused to question that assumption.

Miller’s criticism of Kerry’s opposition to the Patriot Missile “that shot down Saddam Hussein’s Scud missiles over Israel” not only ignores the fact that subsequent investigations revealed the Patriot worked less than 10% of the time, but the Iraqi strikes against Israel took place only because the United States had launched a war against Iraq. Again, if Kerry had maintained his opposition to the Gulf War or bothered to point out the technical failures of the Patriot system, such criticisms could not be taken seriously.

Miller’s criticism of Kerry’s opposition of the Apache helicopter, “that . . . took out those Republican Guard tanks in Kuwait in the Gulf War” not only fails to note that Saddam Hussein withdraw virtually all of his Republican Guard units from Kuwait prior to Operation Desert Storm, it assumes that the Gulf War was necessary, something that Kerry now refuses to question.

In short, the most successful way for the Democrats to defend attacks questioning their nominees’ commitment to the national security of the United States is to challenge the Republicans’ distorted notions of what national security entails. Kerry and Edwards, however, have failed to do so.

Implications

Indeed, Kerry is arguably the Democrats’ most right-wing militaristic presidential nominee since James K. Polk. Kerry’s vote authorizing the illegal, unnecessary and disastrous invasion of Iraq (which he defends to this day), his calls for increased military spending (despite the end of the Cold War), his denunciation of the International Court of Justice (for its July decision reiterating the obligation of UN member states to enforce international humanitarian law), and his strident support for the rightist Israeli government’s illegal colonization and creeping annexation of the occupied West Bank (despite the opposition of such policies by most Israelis and American Jews) has alienated millions of liberal, progressive and moderate voters who, as a result, may vote for independent candidate Ralph Nader or stay at home on Election Day.

In other words, despite nominating a decorated combat veteran who takes positions on human rights, international law, and presidential war-making authority far to the right of the vast majority of Democrats and independents, the Republicans will still question the Democratic nominee’s willingness to defend the country.

There is an important lesson here: those who argue that the Democrats cannot take more moderate positions on foreign and military policy without being subjected to Republican attacks are simply wrong. For despite Kerry’s enthusiastic embrace of the Bush Doctrine and his militaristic world view, he is being attacked anyway.

If the Democrats are going to win, they will have to redefine national security by boldly challenging the assumptions (currently embraced by Kerry and Edwards) that effectively renouncing the United Nations Charter, authorizing the invasion and occupation of foreign countries, backing international outlaws like Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, supporting dictatorships from Egypt to Uzbekistan, and spending more on the military than the entire rest of the world combined somehow makes us more secure.

For if the Democrats’ surrender these key assumptions, it would appear that the Republicans are right and Bush and Cheney should indeed be re-elected. However, if the Democrats are willing to publicly recognize how dangerous these assumptions are, then the importance of preventing a Republican victory in November would become obvious to the vast majority of Americans who care about our nation’s defense.